In his book “Debates on Türkiye: From Westernization to Modernization,” Vedat Bilgin offers detailed and comprehensive evaluations of Türkiye’s social structure, political transformations – particularly from the Tanzimat era to the present – and, naturally, the positions of political parties within these processes as well as their capacities to sustain and carry them forward. In his book, Bilgin highlights three major ruptures in Turkish political life. He identifies the first rupture as the disruption of the traditional state-society relationship, which evolved into a system of bureaucratic domination. The second rupture, according to him, is the mainstream adoption of Westernization policies within the cultural structure. The third rupture consists of attempts to overcome the structure reinforced by the first and second ruptures through democratization processes, particularly following the transition to a multi-party system and continuing to the present day.
The structure built through the first and second ruptures sustained a comfortable existence in Türkiye for an extended period, thanks to the resources and opportunities it possessed along with all its actors. Individuals who shared the political outlook represented by this structure occupied central positions in all areas of life. Their social networks were continually reinforced in fields such as education, culture, art, governance, economy and politics. However, the vast majority of the public was excluded from this network. Moreover, those outside the echo chamber were regarded as passive segments that needed to be transformed into their own language. Just as it would not be considered winter in the country unless it snowed in Istanbul, a problem was not acknowledged unless it affected the echo chamber.
When a new political language began to emerge outside the echo chamber and sought a place in politics, the echo chamber initially responded with a condescending attitude, resorting to ridicule and labeling it under various categories. “Reactionism” and “backwardness” became the key terms of this period. For instance, in the field of education, restrictions such as the headscarf ban and the university entrance coefficient system were gradually implemented. Unfortunately, enhancing the quality of our country’s most valuable human capital through education and increasing our competitiveness with developed nations was not prioritized. After all, those within the echo chamber were already benefiting from these opportunities. Therefore, instead of ensuring that all children had access to education, the focus was on allowing only those who accepted the predefined conditions to benefit from it. Similar exclusionary practices were also applied in other domains. By their very nature, echo chambers could never be inclusive.
Following the sustained efforts to construct a new political language since the 1950s – efforts marked by significant struggles and the tragedies caused by the resistance of the echo chamber – the process entered a new phase with the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), particularly over the past two decades. This marked the full realization of the third rupture. Profound changes and transformations took place across all sectors, from education to healthcare, from transportation to infrastructure, and from foreign policy to the defense industry. During this period, all segments of society could easily access public services without any form of discrimination. Furthermore, stable economic growth led to a rise in prosperity and the middle classes became significantly stronger.
A new language in politics
The main characteristic of the transformation experienced across all sectors is that it draws upon a shared political language. Looking at this new language – which has become mainstream in recent years – it can be observed that, despite its shortcomings, it is characterized by an approach that seeks, on the one hand, to build upon our significant historical experience and heritage, and on the other, to remain open to the achievements of the West and the contemporary world, aiming to synthesize both. In other words, it is an initiative that takes into account our past, our social fabric and especially our experiences over the past two centuries, while also striving to respond to the challenges of today’s world. Importantly, it seeks to be inclusive of society as a whole.
The fundamental shortcoming of the approach represented by those who oppose this new political language lies in their initial rejection of the “both-and” perspective and their insistence on adopting a “only this” stance. When one adopts a strictly Western-centric framework and attempts to reshape one’s surroundings and society accordingly, the society and the country are viewed merely as a field for implementing this project. Yet there is no genuine effort to understand the dynamics of this field. In such a case, what occurs is the centralization of resources at the core and a one-way indoctrination that flows outward.
In this context, Bilgin emphasizes that the impact of AK Party politics has been most deeply felt in three key areas: First, the democratization of the state – liberating it from the domination of military-bureaucratic elites and intellectuals, opening it up to the public, and placing the national will at the center. Second, the transformation of the structural relationship between Türkiye and the international system, from one of dependency to one based on reciprocity. Third, implementing a dynamic growth model in the economy that is open to global competition.
Alienation from one’s own society
Society has always issued a warning to those who, instead of trying to understand it, have attempted to shape it against its will. In particular, when political parties fail to ground their approaches in this new language, it is society that ultimately bears the cost. Since the transition to a multi-party political system, the public’s preferences have become more comprehensible when viewed through this lens.
As our renowned literary figure Kemal Tahir pointed out back in 1969, this linguistic dislocation has been ongoing since the Tanzimat era: “Since the Tanzimat, we have been preoccupied with imitating the West. It cannot be said that this has led us to a path out of our difficulties. No society can remain unaware of what is happening in the world of ideas and art. The issue is not to be content with foreign cultures, but to transform and transcend them through our own realities. Mere imitation is as dangerous as ignorance itself.” For this reason, Tahir describes the approaches developed without knowing – or even seeing the need to know – “who the people are, where they live, how they live and make a living, and under what conditions they are divided into classes” as reckless and evasive.
Therefore, this form of evasion, which neither belongs to us nor offers a real path forward, has led to a deepening alienation. From past to present, those who have relied on this language and engaged in politics through it have seen their ability to represent society steadily diminish. Especially in today’s world, marked by fragility on all fronts, even the West has run out of narrative fuel, leaving little benefit for those who continue to emulate it here. Yet, the strength of the echo chamber has been such that the tragedy has gone largely unnoticed. This is partly because, when at the center of power, it was disregarded, and when that position was lost in recent years, the same behavioral patterns persisted. For political parties, the most significant risk of all is alienation from society.
In such a case, all that remains are the policies and reflexes of the past – you confine yourself to the politics and instincts of more comfortable times. Eventually, you lose the ability to represent not only the broader public but even the very echo chamber you once spoke for. As time moves forward, it rewards those who move with it. As Bilgin also emphasizes, “Thus, we can conclude that the strength of the AK Party lies in its ability to transform the country’s dynamic of social change into political action.”
Challenges of sustainability
Naturally, becoming part of the political mainstream in Türkiye has not been an easy feat, especially when one considers the struggles endured and the costs paid since the 1950s. Just as the path to becoming mainstream was difficult, maintaining that position once achieved is equally challenging. In this context, Bilgin also highlights the risks currently facing the AK Party, which has become a central force in Turkish politics. Emphasizing the importance of formulating policies in line with the dynamics of the middle class, Bilgin notes that the AK Party has, up to this point, effectively utilized this capacity. However, he warns: “…Of course, such policies must be redefined and reproduced in each new conjuncture. While doing so brings political success, failure to do so will lead to a weakening of politics.”
On the other hand, the significant change and transformation that Türkiye has experienced, particularly over the past 20 years, have naturally led to the emergence of new problems. Therefore, to maintain the fluidity of social life, it is necessary to develop solutions to these new challenges. Bilgin defines this as the “paradox of change” and emphasizes that, to move the country beyond the point reached through earlier transformations, it is essential to confront these new problems. He reiterates this warning by stating: “… it is obliged to respond to the demands of the new social conditions created by the very developments it has brought about.”
In summary, at this point – albeit after a significant delay – a new linguistic approach that centers society and its historical experience while also engaging with global developments has become the mainstream, and its construction is still ongoing. In this regard, the door has always been open to those who can articulate a narrative that includes, represents, and carries society forward as a whole. The fact that this new language became mainstream just before a period of major global upheavals is highly significant, as it has strengthened the country’s position. The third rupture, as highlighted by Bilgin, is not a mere shift but a profound transformation. Naturally, such a deep transformation will bring with it its own pains, crises, and new challenges. It is therefore critical that this transformation be supported in a multidimensional way, with a strong focus on producing solution-oriented content. At this stage, the dismantling of echo chambers and the reinforcement of a collective “we” is of vital importance, as it would enhance the potential for all segments of society to contribute meaningfully to this ongoing process.